Desperate to go to war

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Tens of thousands of Syrian refugees are now in Cairo

Tens of thousands of Syrian refugees are now in Cairo

 

Originally published in The Daily Beast, 3 May 2012

About a 30-minute drive west of Cairo, hundreds of young Syrians are yearning to go to war.

They are living a rootless existence in 6th of October City, the satellite settlement now home to thousands of civil war refugees. Many of them share the same goal: to return to their homeland and take up arms against Bashar al-Assad.

For some, there is only one man who can help: Abu Samer (not his real name), perhaps the most prolific recruiting officer for anti-Assad rebels in Egypt. Formerly a wealthy Damascus-based businessman, 51-year-old Abu Samer now spends much of his time – not to mention large sums of his own money – sending hundreds of young Syrian refugees back to their homeland to join the war against the Baathist regime.

He told The Daily Beast that he meets up to 150 people a month who are looking for help to find a way back home and join the rebel Free Syrian Army (FSA). Many of the young men approaching him are activists who were forced to leave their country either under pressure of their families or because they were wanted by the feared secret police.

“People here are losing family members or watching reports of torture on television,” said Abu Samer, speaking in one of the dozens of new Syrian restaurants which have sprung up around 6th of October City. He himself has lost 32 members of his own family in the Syrian war. “A third-year medicine student came to me the other day wanting to return after 12 of his family members were martyred,” he added.

According to the United Nations, there are now more than 150,000 Syrian refugees based in Egypt. Some of them came from wealthier families who could afford to flee a little further afield than the countries bordering Syria. But others, after landing in Egypt, are struggling to make ends meet in an economy which is sinking to its knees.

In its report published in January, the UN’s refugee agency in Egypt called for $10 million to assist Syrians who had fled their homeland. But for those who cannot bear to continue watching the immolation of their country, Abu Samer is often their best bet. He says that since last September he has spent about $31,000 on the travel costs of new recruits, flying them out to Lebanon, Jordan, or Turkey. The money comes from his own pocket, he said, as well as donations from the expat Syrian community in Egypt.

On arrival they are met by Free Syria Army contacts, who ferry them onwards to the front or one of the various FSA training camps for those who lack military training. The young men – and apart from a solitary 23-year-old woman, all the fighters have been male –have to meet a strict set of selection criteria. All must be over 20 years old and have an ability to use weapons – a measure, says Abu Samer, which is necessary for “their own safety.” There is also an “intelligence check.” Phone calls are made to contacts in Syria to establish the political credentials of those applying and whether they are affiliated with the government regime.

In Abu Samer’s mind, there is another, equally important reason for checks. “We’re careful not to have any extremists,” he said. “One of the people I didn’t send sat down with me and said, ‘Abu Samer, the Sunni Muslims are the majority in Syria. We should rule the country, and we need to go backand kill all of the Alawites and Druze,” a reference to two of Syria’s religious minorities.

He added that he had received requests from foreign jihadists wishing to join the fight, but declined to support them. “I am convinced that no one can liberate Syria but Syrians,” he said, adding that most of the foreigners who came to see him were Islamists.

One of those hoping to receive Abu Samer’s benefaction was an 18-year-old man from 6th of October City who gave his name as Abu Bakr. Rolling up his checked, purple shirt, he revealed three bullet wounds in his chest which he said he received after being shot by government forces during a protest in Damascus back in January of last year. A thick, 10 cm-long scar ran down his abdomen from the resulting operation. “Syria is my country and I will not leave it,” he said. “This war was imposed on us.” He added that with Abu Samer’s blessing, he would fly out of Cairo in a month’s time.

His feelings were echoed by another young man, who called himself Basel. The 18-year-old fled war-torn Homs one year ago after being detained by security forces. “I want to return to Syria and die there,” he says. “It’s better than dying here.”

Abu Samer’s munificence does not simply extend to funding the anti-Assad military jihad. He has also spent around $62,000 on food and medical supplies, while around half of the 300 or so Syrians he has sent home since last September are returning to carry out humanitarian work.

For the families of those left behind in Egypt – some of whom lose their main source of income when the men of the home depart – he also provides a monthly replacement salary. Among those who receive this cash is a 43-year-old who gave her name as Um Qasim. Both her 56-year-old husband and her two sons have returned to Syria to wage war against President Assad, she said, leaving her back in Egypt. “I’m very happy that they have gone,” she said. “They are defending their land and defending their honor.”

An animal tale that was turtle hokum

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A tale about a turtle was not as it seemed

A tale about a turtle was not as it seemed

 

Originally published in The Independent, 29 April 2013

By its own lofty standards, it had been a relatively slow news week in Cairo.

True, the judiciary was locked into a life-and-death struggle with the President, and the economy was continuing its dismal downward spiral amid the familiar predictions of an oncoming summer of unrest. But that was small fry compared to the tale of Samir the turtle.

Earlier in the week the Egyptian press had reported how Samir, a resident of Giza Zoo’s reptile enclosure and reportedly a gift from King Farouk, had died at the at the unfeasibly advanced age of 270.

It was a truly extraordinary story – and the media coverage a fitting tribute for a creature born before the age of steam. Naturally there was just one problem: it was all complete hokum.

It turned out that Samir was only 80 years old when he died – not a bad innings of course, but not quite as impressive as a turtle pre-dating Napoleon.

And there was another hole in the story. It seems that the obsolescent reptile, who was indeed a onetime resident of Giza Zoo, did not die last week. He actually shuffled off his mortal coil 15 years ago.

Alaa Abdoon, the Director of Regional Zoos in Egypt, wearily explained to The Independent from his Giza Zoo office that the press appeared to have made up the tale – in his mind, to discredit Mohamed Morsi by linking Samir’s death to his hapless presidency.

If so it would be the most desperate of media smears. After all, a 270-year old turtle would have had it coming even without the beleaguered rule of Morsi’s creaking government.

Coptic Christians under siege

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St Mark's Cathedral during the attack by police and mobs

St Mark’s Cathedral during the attack by police and mobs

 

Originally published in The Independent, 8 April 2013

Hundreds of Christians were under siege inside Cairo’s Coptic cathedral last night as security forces and local residents, some armed with handguns, launched a prolonged and unprecedented attack on the seat of Egypt’s ancient Church.

At least one person was killed and at least 84 injured as Christians inside the walled St Mark’s cathedral compound came under a frenzied assault from their assailants in the main road outside.

The fighting erupted after a mass funeral for five Copts who were killed during violent clashes in a north Egyptian town on Saturday. A Muslim man also died in the clashes, which happened after an Islamic institute was daubed with offensive graffiti.

Following yesterday’s service thousands of Christians poured out on to the street and began chanting slogans against Mohamed Morsi, the Egyptian President and long-time member of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Late last night President Morsi issued a statement in which he said he had spoken to Pope Tawadros II, the leader of the Coptic church, and had given orders for the cathedral and citizens to be guarded. He said protecting the lives of Muslims and Christians was a state responsibility and added: “I consider any attack on the cathedral as an attack on me, personally.”

The man killed in the clashes outside the cathedral was named by the state news agency, MENA, as Mahrous Hana Tadros, a Christian name. MENA said 11 of the 84 injured were police officers.

Earlier, witnesses described how they were attacked by locals from Abbasiyya, the north-east Cairo neighbourhood where the cathedral is located. After being hit by rocks from the roofs of nearby buildings, the mourners were reportedly forced back into the cathedral compound.

Wael Eskandar, an Egyptian blogger who attended the funeral, said he saw people being showered with broken bottles from the roof of an apartment block opposite. After being attacked, he said, the people “started racing out of the side street and destroying the nearby cars”. He added that he was not sure if those attacking the vehicles were mourners. As night fell the streets around St Mark’s were echoing to the sound of gunshots and exploding tear gas canisters. Young men on either side of the 18ft-high compound wall exchanged a continuous hail of rocks and broken masonry. Others hurled Molotov cocktails and let off fireworks.

The security forces positioned outside the cathedral launched volley after volley of tear gas into the compound. Some of the thousands of onlookers gathered in the road cheered as the canisters rocketed towards Christians perched on the walls overlooking the main street.

One young man, his right hand clasped around a shiny steel handgun, clambered on top of a petrol station alongside the cathedral and blasted a single round at those trapped inside. He was helped down by a friend who was also carrying a handgun, before they both jogged off through a nearby line of riot police who had been watching the young man take aim. Soon afterwards there was a flash from inside the compound as a young man stepped up on to the perimeter wall and fired a weapon towards the thousands of onlookers below.

A second later a number of people recoiled as they were hit by birdshot. Handguns and other weapons, many of them homemade, are becoming a more common feature of the violence which has regularly convulsed the country since the fall of Hosni Mubarak.

“Only God can save us from what is happening right now,” said Mina Zakaraya, a 25-year-old Coptic seminarian who was positioned inside the compound. At the cathedral’s rear entrance, panicked young men ushering people inside demanded to see the cross which most Copts have tattooed on their wrist.

“I’m worried about the situation in Egypt,” said Makram Girgis as he sat on the steps leading up to the imposing cathedral building.

“The Muslim Brotherhood and extremist groups here want us to leave. They don’t accept Copts. But this was our country, ever since the time of the pharaohs.”

A joke too far: top satirist arrested

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Bassem Youssef is one of Egypt's most popular TV hosts

Bassem Youssef is one of Egypt’s most popular TV hosts

 

Originally published in The Independent, 1 April 2013

He is one of Egypt’s most famous television stars – a wildly popular satirist whose Friday night shows are eagerly awaited by tens of millions of viewers.

But tonight, the Egyptian authorities were facing accusations of conducting a political witch-hunt after Bassem Youssef – whose weekly programme regularly lampoons the President, Mohamed Morsi, and his Islamist allies – was arrested over allegations that he insulted Mr Morsi and the Islamic faith.

Youssef answered his summons to the general prosecutor’s office in Cairo today in typically irreverent fashion. Mobbed by cameramen and a few dozen supporters, he arrived wearing an absurdly oversized graduation hat – the kind donned by President Morsi when he was awarded an honorary degree in Pakistan last month.

“Police officers and lawyers at the prosecutor-general’s office want to be photographed with me,” he said via his Twitter account after entering the building. “Maybe this is why they ordered my arrest?”

After being interrogated, Youssef was released on a bail of E£15,000 (£1,450). Campaigners have  warned the arrest represents a dangerous development.

Last week, following a series of clashes between anti-government protesters and supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s general prosecutor issued arrest warrants for five prominent opponents of Mr Morsi’s. They included the high-profile blogger Alaa Abdel-Fattah, who was arrested in 2011 and also back in 2006 during the time of Hosni Mubarak.

On Friday, following another eruption of violence in Alexandria, 13 more people – among them liberal activists and four lawyers – were arrested, further stoking allegations of a political crackdown against the Muslim Brotherhood’s opponents.

“It’s obvious that Mohamed Morsi is using the general prosecutor to serve his interests,” said Nihad Aboud, from the Cairo-based Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression. “They can see the threat from someone like Bassem Youssef, a man who has more than one million followers on Twitter and whose show is one of the most famous in Egypt.”

The current general prosecutor, Talaat Ibrahim, was appointed by Mr Morsi last November under controversial circumstances. His elevation to the job came after the President, a lifelong member of the Muslim Brotherhood, selected him via a highly divisive constitutional decree. It led to suspicions among some  of the Muslim Brotherhood’s opponents that the office would become politicised and used as a tool to browbeat Egypt’s liberal and leftist opposition groups.

Youssef, a heart surgeon, found fame after uploading a series of skits on to YouTube following the downfall of Hosni Mubarak in February 2011.

The clips, which featured Youssef skewering a variety of politicians  and public figures, were watched by tens of millions of people and secured him his own television show. But  the programme has often earned the ire of fundamentalist sheikhs, some of whom have angrily denounced  the comedian.

Exodus: the fall of Egypt’s Jews

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The Jewish community in Egypt has dwindled to a few dozen

The Jewish community in Egypt has dwindled to a few dozen

 

Originally published in the Independent on Sunday, 31 March 2013

From its peak in the aftermath of the Second World War, when the Jews in Egypt numbered around 80,000, the community collapsed. Today there are no more than a few dozen remaining. All are over 50 years old. Most are women who married Muslims or Christians, meaning their children have been raised as non-Jews and that the community will probably die out within a generation.

Now a documentary chronicling their experiences has been released in Egyptian cinemas. Billed as the first film of this kind to be allowed out on general release, Jews of Egypt presents an account of a community whose 20th-century fortunes, once so buoyant, suddenly came crashing down.

In the early years of Nasser’s nationalist revolution, the Jewish presence in Egypt disintegrated. Rabbi Andrew Baker, an American trying to establish a fund to preserve Egypt’s Jewish monuments, said it is possible to question whether there was any future left for Jews in Egypt. He added that the remnants are possessed by a “schizophrenic” outlook on their position in society.

On one hand they are proud of a legacy that stretches back 3,000 years to the time of Ramses II, but on the other they live a precarious existence in a country weaned on decades of antipathy towards Israel – which has fought four wars with Egypt since 1948. “They know that Jews are associated with Israel,” he said. “My sense is they feel it might encourage popular anger if they are too open about their religion.”

It was not always like this. The great Jewish scholar Maimonides was once physician to Saladin, the medieval foe of King Richard the Lionheart. More recently, in the early 20th century, King Fouad recruited two Jewish scions of the famous Qattawi family to be his finance minister and speech writer. His playboy son, Farouk, meanwhile, employed them in a rather less august context; his mistress and his card-table chums were Jewish.

Anti-Semitic sentiment had been fuelled at times by the growth of the Muslim Brotherhood and a rising tide of nationalism. But after the creation of Israel in 1948, the mood started turning very sour. Following the Suez crisis of 1956, when Israel helped Britain and France invade Egypt to reclaim the Suez Canal and topple Nasser, the government ordered a wave of expulsions. The nation’s wealthier Jews had often been implacably opposed to Israel, but about a fifth of the country’s Jewry – more than 15,000 refugees – eventually emigrated east to the new Jewish state.

Today the Jews of Egypt live in a climate of anti-Zionism which often boils over into outright anti-Semitism. “When Israel came to existence, people didn’t feel comfortable dealing with Jews,” said Egyptian author Ahmed Towfik. “Many mixed the concept of Zionism and Judaism.”

The government has carried out high-profile restoration projects on Egypt’s synagogues over the years, yet some among the Egyptian diaspora complain of official ambivalence. Cairo’s famous Bassatine cemetery, allotted to Jews in the 9th century, is now partially submerged by sewage.

Yves Fedida was among the tens of thousands of Egyptian Jews compelled to leave the country during the wave of anti-Zionism that followed the creation of Israel in 1948. As a Jewish schoolboy in Hendon, north London, he sat down at his bedroom desk in the spring of 1959 and began writing a letter. He did not expect a reply – his missive, after all, was addressed to Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egyptian demagogue, Britain’s arch-nemesis in the Middle East, and the man responsible for expelling the 14-year-old from his homeland. “I think I addressed it to the Presidential Palace,” Mr Fedida told The Independent on Sunday. “Nowadays it would have to go through national security and would take about five years to get there.”

Mr Fedida received a reply from Nasser after just a month. The Egyptian President wrote that with “great pleasure” he was granting him temporary permission to return to Alexandria and see his mother, who had been allowed to stay. The letter, signed in blue ink, ended with the revolutionary autocrat expressing his “best wishes for your happiness, and sincere admiration for your filial sentiment”. Mr Fedida was permitted to return for only nine months – yet he was one of the lucky ones. Now 67, he runs a foundation dedicated to preserving Egypt’s Jewish heritage. “You say the word Jew now and everybody freezes,” he said. “You are automatically a spy or a bloodthirsty conspirator. It’s a crazy, crazy situation.”

Horror of the Luxor hot air balloon crash

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The hot air balloon moments before crashing to earth.

The hot air balloon moments before crashing to earth.

 

Originally published in The Independent, 27 February 2013

A British traveller who survived the Luxor hot air balloon disaster was forced to watch as his wife and 18 other passengers were killed when fire engulfed their basket as they flew 1,000ft above the ground.

Michael Rennie – the only tourist to survive what was described as the worst catastrophe in the history of ballooning – managed to escape largely unharmed after the balloon encountered difficulties on a dawn flight close to the Valley of the Kings in southern Egypt. But the other passengers – including his wife, Yvonne, and Joe Bampton, 40, who later died of his injuries – were trapped when the balloon lurched up into the sky following an attempted landing.

Mr Bampton and his Hungarian-born partner Suzanna Gyetvai, 34, both from Clapham, London, were confirmed dead last night. Witnesses described seeing tourists leaping to their deaths, their clothes burning as they fell. Doctors at Luxor International Hospital said that many of those who died suffered severe burns and massive internal injuries. “Everybody in the village was crying after what we saw,” said Hussein Yasin, a 40-year-old village teacher who spoke to The Independent shortly after the accident.

Mr Rennie and his wife had been staying at the five-star Sonesta St George hotel in Luxor as part of a Thomas Cook package holiday. In the early hours of yesterday morning the couple set off to one of the balloon launch sites amid the villages and sugar cane fields on the west bank of the Nile. After meeting their fellow passengers – who included tourists from France, Belgium, Hungary, Hong Kong and Japan – they lifted off with their Egyptian pilot into the sky above the patchwork of farms and pharaonic monuments below.

Eight other balloons also set off at the same time but shortly after dawn, at around 7am, one encountered difficulties. Last night there were conflicting reports about exactly what happened, but state investigators said a fire erupted in the balloon’s basket after landing ropes became tangled around one of its gas tubes.

Last night, amateur footage emerged of the incident, showing black smoke appearing from the base of the balloon. Within 20 seconds flames had spread upwards into the canopy causing it to plunge straight down from the sky in a trail of smoke and fire.

One of the passengers – possibly Mr Rennie – managed to escape by leaping into the field below when the balloon was around five metres from the ground.

“I saw one person jump out,” said Mr Yasin. Investigators described the balloon shooting upwards sharply as hot air rushed into the balloon, which by this stage was unbalanced. At an altitude of around 1,000ft one of the gas canisters exploded, sending it plunging down to where it landed in a sugar cane field. Some of the passengers leapt to their deaths on the way down, as jets of flaming gas engulfed the wicker cabin. Others appear to have remained trapped in the balloon as it careered into the cornfield below. In all 19 people were killed: nine from Hong Kong, four from Japan, two Britons, two French nationals, a Hungarian and an Egyptian.

At the crash site yesterday, a single white Nike trainer embedded deep in the mud was one of the only traces of the victims amid the mangled remains of the passenger basket. A few yards away were the discarded medical gloves used by doctors who vainly tried to save the lives of the passengers after arriving on the scene.

Witnesses described the surrounding farmland as being littered with bodies.

Apart from Mr Rennie, only the Egyptian pilot survived. The pilot, who had been working for the balloon’s operating company, Sky Cruise, reportedly suffered 60 per cent burns and was later transferred from the hospital in Luxor to a unit in Cairo.

Mr Bampton underwent five hours of surgery in Luxor, with surgeons attempting to treat a series of severe abdominal wounds, but he could not be saved. According to Dr Mohammad Abdullah, head of the emergency ward, the man probably fell from a height of around 50 metres.

Luxor has suffered air balloon accidents in the past. In 2009, 16 tourists were injured when their balloon hit a mobile phone tower.

But yesterday’s tragedy could not have come at a worse time for Egypt’s beleaguered tourist industry. Authorities decided to suspend balloon flights in Luxor following the accident, representing yet another blow in a town where shopkeepers and tour guides have seen their profits decimated by the consequences of the 2011 uprising that swept former President Hosni Mubarak from power. “Tourism had been beginning to pick up again,” said local agent Sameh Roshdy.

Egyptian children detained and tortured

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A child is detained by police during the recent clashes

A child is detained by police during the recent clashes

 

Originally published in The Independent, 20 February 2013

Hundreds of children – some as young as nine – have been illegally detained and in many cases tortured by the Egyptian police following the protests which erupted after the second anniversary of the 2011 uprising.

In what lawyers and activists say is a retrenchment of state brutality akin to the worst abuses of power during Hosni Mubarak’s regime, large numbers of children have been unlawfully imprisoned in camps used by Egypt’s central security forces.

Rights groups say that many of those detained have been subjected to cruel mistreatment, including beatings, electrocution and “hanging” torture. Others were forced by their tormentors to strip naked before being drenched with cold water.

One lawyer said he believed that up to 400 children, many of them barely teenagers, may have been rounded up during police operations following the outbreak of street clashes on 25 January, the anniversary of Egypt’s rebellion two years ago.

Some of those arrested were taken to the notorious Gabal Ahmar camp in eastern Cairo – a compound whose name is bleakly familiar to many Egyptians for its association with the detention and abuse of political detainees during the rule of Hosni Mubarak.

Other camps, such as El-Salam beyond the fringes of the capital, were also used. Such detentions are illegal under Egyptian law.

“This is a new trend,” said Karim Ennarah from the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, a Cairo-based NGO. “This level of institutional abuse of children is unprecedented.”

Mahmoud Bilal, a lawyer who has been working on cases involving detained children, said that many of those jailed were systematically tortured by their police captors.

He said some were electrocuted, often using Tazer-style devices, while others were subjected to excruciating “hanging techniques” – a favoured method of the Mubarak-era security services, whereby detainees have their hands bound before being trussed up by their arms to the cell wall.

“Almost all the children I know of who were arrested after 25 January have been tortured,” said Mr Bilal. He added that in one camp the detainees were forced to drink a foul “soup” consisting of salt dissolved in water.

An activist who spent more than a week in detention earlier this month told The Independent how he shared a cell block with 47 children who had been arrested by the police.

“All of them had injuries on their bodies,” said Mohamed el-Maligi, a 26-year-old who was arrested following a demonstration outside a Cairo courtroom last month.

He added that just before he was released, one of the children, a 14-year-old called Ramadan, had come to him sporting a bulging black eye after being beaten by the police.

“He was worried that after I left the beatings would get worse,” he said. “He looked at me and said, ‘after you leave, we will be finished’.”

Many of those arrested claim to have been caught up in random detention swoops, despite being nowhere near the scene of any street clashes.

Mr el-Maligi said that one of the children he was detained with, a 13-year-old, was a street seller who said he was arrested in Cairo’s Ramses Square, far away from any of the rioting.

“The police never arrest people during the clashes because it’s too dangerous,” he said. “They arrest people when they are walking in the streets.

“They are doing it because they don’t want people to think they have been beaten.”

Over the past year the profile of anti-government demonstrators has morphed considerably, with many of the protesters seen goading riot police during street clashes barely beyond the age of primary school.

“A lot of the younger youth have been empowered by this revolution,” said Ragia Omran, a lawyer who has been documenting cases of child detention. “They feel they want to have a role and so are also wanting to participate.”

But coupled with the issue of Egypt’s street children – the hundreds of thousands of school age youngsters plying a hand-to-mouth living in the cities every day – the resulting police crackdown, often involving swoops on innocent children, has helped swell the population of detained minors.

There are also political factors at play. The unlawful processing of child detainees has highlighted the considerable turmoil inside many of the country’s key state institutions.

Critics have accused Talaat Ibrahim Abdullah, the general prosecutor appointed by presidential decree in November, of spearheading a drive to circumvent due legal process in his pursuit of the Muslim Brotherhood’s political opponents.

Prosecutors staged a rally outside the Cairo high court in December to protest against the perceived politicisation of Egypt’s legal system, temporarily forcing Mr Abdullah’s resignation.

“The office of general prosecutor has become very politicised,” said Karim Ennarah. “It was clear from day one that Talaat Abdullah was a tool of government.”

Sharm’s millionaires turn on Morsi

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Millionaire hotel owners in Sharm are worried

Millionaire hotel owners in Sharm el-Sheikh are worried

 

Originally published in The Sunday Telegraph, 9 February 2013

It’s the Egyptian destination that drew more than 300,000 Britons last year to its combination of sand, sunshine and scuba diving, in Red Sea waters that are clear, calm and warm all year round.

Its 100-plus hotels can accommodate 200,000 visitors a week, willing to pay between £60 and £120 a night for a double room in a luxurious beachside location, all set in the dramatic desert landscape at the mouth of the Gulf of Aqaba.

Yet just 40 years ago Sharm el-Sheikh was little more than a sleepy fishing village, with a handful of guesthouses and other tourist facilities erected after the Israelis occupied the Sinai peninsula during the Six Day War.

The transformation of the barren stretch of desert coastline into the glittering resort of palm trees and pools that stands today was due in large part to an array of entrepreneurs who, after the Sinai was handed back to Egypt in 1982, were persuaded to plough astronomical sums into developing Sharm el-Sheikh.

Now some of those same multi-millionaire businessmen say the resort’s future is in doubt because of a clampdown on foreign ownership by the government led by Islamist president Mohamed Morsi.

They accuse Mr Morsi of stabbing them in the back – and jeopardising a vital part of Egypt’s tourist industry, an important source of cash for a country struggling to reboot its economy – over a controversial law which appears to give them a six-month deadline to sell all of their property and land in the region.

“How can I trust a government that does something like this?” said Ozorees el-Ghazawy, a hotelier who has invested tens of millions of pounds into his chain of seaside Sinai resorts since the late 1980s. “Perhaps the Muslim Brotherhood thinks it is acceptable, but I never thought they would act in this way.”

Along with a number of other high profile businessmen – many of whom have joined a campaign to have the law revoked – he has vowed to overturn the new administration’s proposals. “I will fight to the end to protect my investments,” he said.

It was under the government of President Hosni Mubarak that wealthy expatriate Egyptians were encouraged to buy up miles of beachfront on the south eastern tip of the peninsula in a bid to transform the region into a tourist hotspot.

The drive turned Sharm el-Sheikh – along with the nearby resorts of Dahab and Nuweiba – into Egypt’s biggest single tourism draw, attracting four million visitors each year before the revolution that drove Mubarak from office after 30 years in power. Even the then president himself eventually got in on the act, spending much of his later years in office relaxing in his plush seaside villa, adjoining a luxury golf resort.

Like Mr el-Ghazawy, who is Egyptian but has an American passport due to family connections in the US, many of those who chose to invest their cash were wealthy businessmen with dual nationality.

But under a law implemented by Mr Morsi’s new cabinet in September, dual national Egyptians were told that within six months they must sell any land or property they acquired to buyers who had been “born to Egyptian parents”.

Dr Adel Taher, an expert on decompression sickness who helped develop the Red Sea diving industry during the 1990s, said the first that many people knew about the decision was in November, when locals in Sharm el-Sheikh began knocking on the doors of homes owned by dual nationals and telling them they would have to sell-up.

He said the legislation – which could also prevent the children of investors from inheriting property – discriminated against the very people who had helped turn Sharm el-Sheikh into a lucrative, multi-billion pound money spinner.

“We were ready to put all we had into this area and this land because we believed in it,” said the father-of-two, who holds American and Egyptian nationality. “The government cannot come to me and tell me I’m less patriotic than other Egyptians.”

The clumsy wording of the new law has also led to fears that the measures could be applied retroactively, although campaigners say they have received verbal assurances from officials that this will not be the case.

Major General Shawky Rashwan, head of the government agency charged with implementing the changes, told The Sunday Telegraph that officials were simply trying to seek “justice” for Egyptians over land rights in the region. Despite the explicit references to dual nationals in the legislation, he said holders of two passports would not be affected.

But not everybody is reassured.

“Hundreds of people with dual nationality are panicking,” said Nader el-Sharkawy, a liberal politician from Sharm el-Sheikh and a leading campaigner on the issue. “We cannot accept such a discriminatory law after our revolution.”

Some believe that the Muslim Brotherhood, the group to which the current president swears allegiance, wants to wreak revenge on those beneficiaries of the 1990s Sinai construction boom who were ex-military men or Mubarak stooges. The bountiful profits often spilled over into a nefarious web of crony capitalists and former army officers.

One of those who made a killing was Hussein Salem, the Spanish-Egyptian tycoon and Mubarak ally who owns a luxury hotel and golf resort in Sharm el-Sheikh.

Mr Salem fled Egypt just days after the uprising and is currently in Spain, fighting an attempt to extradite him to face trial for alleged corruption. Some businessmen speculate that the new law was designed to strip him, and others with ties to the former regime, of their assets.

Such a move would not necessarily find favour in Sharm el-Sheikh, an area where the economy has been battered by revolutionary turmoil and where political perspective on the Mubarak era is often rosier than elsewhere in Egypt.

Locals are now organising a campaign to persuade Egypt’s upper house of parliament to revoke the law. Meanwhile, tempers among hotel owners remain frayed.

“I fell very sad and very angry,” said Ozorees el Ghazawy. “I cannot believe that these people are trying to sabotage everything we have done.”

Campaigners smell a rat after naked man beaten by police

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Hamada Saber being viciously beaten by police

Hamada Saber being viciously beaten by police

 

Originally published in the Independent, 4 February 2013

When disturbing video footage emerged of a naked man being brutally beaten by riot police as he lay cowering on the roadside on Friday night, many Egyptians compared the scenes to the worst abuses of state power under former president Hosni Mubarak’s regime.

But as anti-government vitriol mounted – fuelled by the no-holds-barred TV clips showing baton-wielding officers hauling their victim across the asphalt – a strange thing happened.

The man at the centre of the storm, an impoverished 50-year-old painter called Hamada Saber, emerged on state television and blamed protesters for the violent attack.

Lying in his bed at the police hospital after the assault, he told an interviewer that he had been stripped of his clothes by anti-government demonstrators then robbed.

The startling volte-face appeared to take the heat off the Egyptian government, which had been facing a renewed excoriation over its failure to reform the reviled police service.

Yet tonight the spotlight again fell on President Mohamed Morsi and his cabinet after lawyers and activists voiced suspicion that Mr Saber had been forced to doctor his account of what really happened on Friday night.

According to Ragia Omran, a lawyer who worked to find Mr Saber after he was attacked, Mr Saber’s relatives soon became suspicious about the reasons behind his sudden U-turn.

Ms Omran, who was in contact with Mr Saber’s half-brother as they tried to locate him, said that in the wake of the beating and subsequent maelstrom of publicity, she believed the authorities had mounted an elaborate damage control exercise to cover up the incident.

“Why would they have taken him to a hospital only used by police officers?” she said, adding that another video was now circulating online in which Mr Saber purportedly admits the complicity of the security services.

The row over police brutality comes at a sensitive time for Mr Morsi, a long-time Muslim Brotherhood figure who has been accused by his opponents of betraying the 2011 uprising.

Over the past week, Egyptians have been marking the second anniversary of the insurrection by tallying up the latest death statistics in a nation wracked by political unrest.

Nearly 60 people have been killed so far following the clashes that erupted last week.

Most of the violence, which included gun battles on the streets of Port Said between protesters and the security services, has been directed at the police – an institution which has remained largely unreformed since Mubarak was toppled two years ago.

In a report released last week, Human Rights Watch lambasted Mr Morsi for the lacklustre progress he had made since being elected last summer.

“Six months after President Mohamed Morsi assumed power, criminal defamation and blasphemy prosecutions are increasing, police torture with impunity remains endemic, and civilians continue to face trials before military courts,” the report said.

Maha Maamoun, a human rights activist, accused President Morsi of continuing the abuses of his predecessor, adding that the case of Hamada Saber was evidence that the “revolution hadn’t happened”.

“The revolution was against police brutality,” she added. “People were marching against the police as a basic demand. But there has been no reform. Nothing. If anything it is getting worse.”

Egyptians defy state of emergency in Port Said

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Mourners grieve for the dead of Port Said

Mourners grieve for the dead of Port Said

 

Originally published in the Independent, 28 January 2013

Bursts of machinegun fire continued to rattle around the rubble-strewn streets of Port Said tonight as groups of locals fiercely rejected the 30 day state of emergency announced by Mohamed Morsi in response to the unfolding chaos across Egypt.

With onlookers cowering between parked ambulances to shield themselves from the fighting, gunmen exchanged fire with security forces still positioned inside a police station which has become the focus of much of the fighting.

At one point residents dashed for cover as an officer mounting a police armoured personnel carrier sprayed bullets down one of the streets from his turret-mounted weapon.

Earlier in the day workers at the Al-Amiri Hospital morgue had been preparing the bodies of five protesters killed during the previous night’s gun battles.

One of the dead, 28-year-old Ahmed Ali, had become a father to his first child only two days before he was shot dead through the back of the head.

Another, Mahmoud Shaeeb, had been hit by a bullet between his left eye and the bridge of his nose.

The morgue staff, soaping his body using water from plastic pink juice jugs, had covered the 18-year-old’s bare hips using a beach towel patterned with purple flowers.

“We had 30 years of injustice under Hosni Mubarak,” said one of the morgue staff, who gave her name as Om Mohamed. “Mohamed Morsi is doing the same – the only difference is he has a beard.”

The first funeral of the day, a procession attended by several thousand people, passed off relatively peacefully.

But mourners joined another march in the afternoon – this time for protesters who were wounded in Sunday night’s violence and later died of their injuries.

It was following this procession that the gun battles began.

The continuing clashes – which began on Saturday after residents attacked a prison holding condemned football supporters – led Mohamed Morsi to announce a curfew in the city due to begin at 9pm last night.

The curfew included the other Canal cities of Ismailia and Suez, and came as 50 people were confirmed to have been killed during nationwide clashes which began four days ago on the anniversary of the 2011 uprising.

In the capital there was another night of rioting as police and youths fought running battles alongside the Nile riverfront close to Tahrir Square – just yards away from two of Cairo’s top luxury hotels.

A 46-year-old man was shot dead during the clashes, though it was not immediately clear who was to blame.

In the teahouses of Port Said, locals responded to Mr Morsi’s emergency decree with scorn. Many planned to thwart the curfew by congregating outside the city centre Maryam Mosque at 9pm.

Others compared the Muslim Brotherhood president to Hosni Mubarak, screaming insults at the televisions in local cafes as news channels broadcast the President’s speech.

“The situation here is a disaster,” said Khaled Said, an official from the liberal Dostour Party in Port Said. “People here feel the government has selected us for special punishment.”

The weekend gun battles began when locals attempted to free prisoners who had been condemned to death for their role in last year’s Port Said football massacre.

A total of 33 people died during two hours of street-by-street fighting on Saturday night.

Many in Port Said claim the prisoners – a large number of whom are fans of the local football team – are being sacrificed for political ends.

But anti-government grievances in the city stretch back for years. Following an alleged assassination attempt on Hosni Mubarak in the city back in 1999, locals have accused the authorities of deliberately hampering development and restricting access to free trade zones along the Suez Canal.

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